The political economy of military coup
By Matías Kulfas * Analyze the military coup of 1976 from an economic and social perspective leads us to two aspects plants.
industrialization process, initiated forcefully about the consequences of the global crisis of 1930, then transformed into a national development strategy , in the first instance with Peronism
(Highest national basis, state, and the role of workers) and then with the development (with greater presence of transnational firms).
I would say that the development if some type of industrial growth did from a distinctly sepoy as there clearly frame the figure of his nefarious government Frondizi and clearly expressing the cultural and national sepoys. Luckily Illia later corrects and correctly cancels oil contracts signed with the Yankees signatures by that government in any democratic stage of the country and without any participaión proscribed by the people dutrante many years. 
For all that is but natural that los sectores de la derecha cipaya argentina siempre hablan bien de Frondizi , lease el macrismo , cuando para mi Frondizi es un momento nefasto de nuestra historia , el tipo nombraba ministros de economía a los ultraliberales cipayos antiargentinos como Alvaro Alsogaray y Krieger Vasena, que luego salían a decir que había que pasar el invierno . 
Mucho se ha hablado sobre las deficiencias de aquel proceso de industrialización, que sin lugar a dudas las tuvo, pero también se ha pretendido opacar o negar sus logros. ( permitió que sobrevivieran sindicatos fuertes que puedieron resistir la proscripción durante 20 años, eso es un logro seguramente) Sin ir más far if today we have a competitive industry in areas as distant from the comparative advantages of liberal thought posits, such as steel, aluminum and petrochemicals, among many others, was because there were industrial policies during those periods.
is said that the industrialization process was exhausted in the mid-70s, the foreign exchange balance requirements did not support manufacturing growth, generating recurring balance of payments crisis and the industry was uncompetitive Argentina inefficient. However, the creators of this type of postures ( not all from the liberal right ) ignored that between 1964 and 1974 Argentina never had a year of recession and persistently industry grew at a rate of 5.6 percent.
Moreover,
in the early '60s, 99 percent of Argentine exports were agricultural. Ten years later, manufacturing accounted for 15 percent of exports, and even sold turnkey industrial plants to other peripheral countries. Not bad for a peripheral country of late industrialization.
is said that liberal reforms were inevitable and had to alter the economic course. However, other countries that persisted in the road to industrialization economic results were spectacular.
An example is the case of Korea, country in 1970 showed a level of wealth per capita five times lower than ours and that few years later we had gone far beyond its industrial production capacity.
Industrialization was not dead. What was exhausted, for certain privileged social sectors , was an economic system that tends to full employment and distributive tensions introduced permanent forced them to cede portions of their growing wealth. Here is the second focus of the military coup: its class character. And what better way to appreciate such a character that
the figure of José Alfredo Martinez de Hoz, the executor of the economic policy that would give land to the process of industrialization. descendant of a traditional family of ranchers, his public activity was devoted exclusively to de facto governments. Salta Finance Minister during the Revolution called Liberation and then the nation during the reign of Guido. The intention disciplining the coup was clearly evident: the society of full employment and distributive tensions were the main target of economic policy.
In the future no longer be necessary the intervention of the armed forces, would be the very market forces that disciplinary society.
After the long night of dictatorship fear of repression and physical disappearance would be replaced, and in the '90s, by the fear of unemployment. is therefore appropriate to interpret the human rights policy of the governments of Nestor Kirchner and Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner not only in the context of the legitimate search truth and justice, but also as part of a comprehensive and coherent reformulation of the role of government and politics. In that address,
economic policy implemented since 2003 has reversed the stage of industrialization, workers return to their areas of negotiation and real wage recovery and, most importantly, restore the state and transformative politics as a vocation.
* Economist. Director of the National Bank. President of the Association of Economic Development of Argentina. Source: Page 12
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